Why Orcadians vote Lib Dem
I see people online incredulous that people in Orkney (and
Shetland) continue to vote Lib Dem.
I don't know about Shetland but I will try and give you my take on
Orkney.
In doing this I mean no disrespect to any person living in Orkney
that votes Liberal Democrat. I have to make that clear at the outset, because I
would expect my analysis to be mischievously misconstrued as an insult to Lib
Dem voters.
This is an attempt to explain some of the social factors and
influences that affect the views and decisions of people voting Lib Dem in
Orkney.
It is my personal view as a female social observer from an embedded position in one part of the community and longevity of
exposure to many parts of the community over fifty years.
Here are the main factors - historical political context - social
pressure - societal structure - and islandness.
History
The Lib Dems split form the (Tory ) Whigs to become the Liberal
Party ( when ordinary people still didn’t have a vote) and before the birth of
the Labour Party. In crofting communities land tenure was feudal and the
Liberals, through the Napier Commission, got secure rentals for crofters.
This was the first time a political party did anything for the landless poor in
Scotland.
There has never been a trade union history here. Over the years
crofting has declined as small crofts have been subsumed into larger farming
units. The Labour party was never a party focussed on the needs of crofters -
because it grew from the industrialised cities for different reasons. The
Liberals have retained a place in the psyche of the farming community for what
they did in terms of land rights. Some voters today will know the actual history of
their allegiance to the Liberal party, but as voting passes down in families
from father to son (gender deliberate; patriarchy is a different issue), the actualities have turned into a general
voting 'comfort blanket' that the Liberals are 'for ' the farmers. Little
policy analysis is required and no one really challenges that 'feeling'. The
actual position of the Liberal Party as a force at Westminster has been
impotent since the rise of the two party Labour/Conservative dynamic (other
than their dalliance as coalition partners with the Tories). What cannot be
forgotten is that the Liberals historically are an offshoot of the Tory
Whigs.
In the 1900s, Liberal and Tory politicians came from the ranks of the posh,
owned large companies or were the landowners who simply moved into political
power. The attitude of the dependent tenant is to look at the landlord with a mixture
of private scorn and envious awe. Basking in their reflected glory as they
become a party leader in a safe seat might just rub off a bit on you too and
give you a feeling of secondary importance. Despite that, the crofters who
accumulated land to become bigger farmers, can still harbour the residual memory, that its best not upset those who held power over you because it remained within
living memory the absolute power that could evict and force emigration on a
whim.
Social Pressure
In Communities where you cannot organise collectively (where
there are factories), you have to put up with your lot. You have no strength in
numbers. The power of landowners of the past was that they could turf you out
of your house and land. The entrenched memory of that power imbalance does
not disappear quickly. Even if you had tenancy rights your ease through society
was through compliance with the unspoken norms of your 'superiors' who were
those landowners and the church. The MPs of the past were drawn from the
landed, the wealthy and the privately educated. Their entire demeanour and accent consolidated their social superiority or 'cleverness' and emphasised your
own 'inferiority'. So began the complexion of MPs and inherited voting patterns
that consolidated the norms of the once absolute feudal superiors. Speaking out
about injustices meant 'getting above ' yourself. You must survive in a
community full of unwritten dos and donts. This rural community is a network of
in and out- groups. These are social psychology definitions of how groups operate by reaffirming group identity through those who are in and out of the group. The rigidity of those groups is greater in small communities
that in urban settings. Not to 'fit in' risks alienation where there are few other
groups you can gravitate to. For some, adopting the 'house view' of the in-group
ensures you still fit in and are accepted.You are safe.
The power of unsaid rules in small communities is enormous. It
extends well beyond political thinking to attitudes to domestic violence and
sexuality. The loneliness of alienation is also extreme.
Societal structure
To live here is to either gird yourself to say and do things that
run against the unwritten compliance norms of the dominant in-groups or say
nothing and keep your head down. When you speak out in this community you can
expect to face discrimination. At one time this meant your son(gender deliberate) might not get a
reference from the minister, a casual word in the ear of an employer would deny
your son an apprenticeship and conversely if you amplified the unsaid norms and
views, your path and your families’ would be made easier. This continues up to
the present day where the informal chats in the margins of the local authority
chambers will damn or elevate someone despite a rack of policy documents on the
shelves. Local government voting is well ingrained as a personality contest
rather than objective policy analysis gifting carte blanche to individuals without
accountability, who go on to rubbish the ‘party’ system of the mainland in a prime example of bunker in-group funtioning . There
is no history of policy examination at local authority or other democratic
levels.
Island ness
Island-ness is simple - water cuts you off from everyone else. You
actively have to seek a path away for the island if you want literally to 'broaden
your horizons' through meeting eye to eye with others. Cancun does not count as broadening horizons. The merchant navy
has always taken people away from the islands. Those who go away to live and
work return with changed views. Right back to Hudson's Bay - those seamen saw different
cultures ,ways of thinking and ideas. For those who cannot leave or are
disinclined to do so the revolving cycle of the tight island in- group
continues to retain its psychological and social grip on those who
remain. Remember they have to fit in as alienation is so much worse.
Today you
will still hear nativist racist views expressed from people who have no
experience of rubbing shoulders with any other cultures other than their in
group. Very often local social media platforms amplify these views and uncover
how uninhibited they are among the culturally under-exposed in-group population.
This nativist reaction then chimes easily with the xenophobic tropes used by
politicians with their own agendas.
The island psyche of the underexposed in-groups is very slow to
change.
In the 60s and 70s when times seemed a lot more innocent,
everything in Orkney, apart from farming techniques, was 20 years behind 'the
mainland'.
Island-ness socially means you don't see the good and bad on the
mainland, you don’t serendipitously stray into a pub where there is a different
currency of banter and discussion. You are not walking past the beggars on
Buchanan street daily. Your conscience is not pricked. The poverty in Orkney is
hidden from the 'Allright Jacks’.
Islands have a romantic
lure and appear to those who can afford to buy a life style and parachute into their construction and concept of a 'community' that fictitiously erases all the ills of society. These
people have no inkling of the things I have described above, they are happy to
have bought a relatively cheap house with a nice view and often want to
replicate in their imagination an island or village life that exists nowhere in
reality. increasingly they buy multiple properties and supplement their professional
pensions from renting out on Airbnb. They dont want to see what they have 'got'
threatened or the idyll into which they have bought sullied by acknowledging
the realities of rural poverty deprivation, unaffordable rents and homelessness.
There are those too who know all of this and agree with the
position of voting Liberal – that it is in fact a non vote for a party that can
do nothing except prop up the status quo of monarchy, the house of lords and
the established elite but its’ not quite voting Tory. Some see themselves as ‘North
Falklanders’.
To reiterate, this is not a criticism of voters, it is an analysis
– in a time where language is loose and habitually distorted, views taken out of context, that difference is key. Voters are products
of the complex environments and influences to which they are exposed no more and
no less.
In Orkney it is changing and the change is led by the young people.
They are much less frightened of challenging the norms than their parents.
And that is good.